~ Academic and artistic feminist resistance at grassroots level

Radical feminism holds that what is currently known as ‘gender’ is not a condition which naturally arises either from an individual’s sex or from any other innate source, instead being an ideology of ‘sex roles’ which support and are constructed by the patriarchy.

While the way in which gender is produced is often described as “socialisation” or “conditioning”, this article suggests modelling it as a lifelong process of sex role education, covering more than just the sex role an individual is expected to play.

This model allows us to explore in some detail the experience of transsexual people under patriarchy and to question some binaries around the political features of transsexual identities.

With these considerations in mind we revisit the political category of ‘woman’ – as used to understand structured sexism – from the point of view of transsexual women’s inclusion.

[‘Feminine is not anti-feminist; challenge internalised misogyny’]
[‘Not a feminist? Think again’]
[Caitlin Moran quote]

Fées du Logis est une revue en ligne dont la vocation est d’être une revue lesbienne, féministe et drôle.
Elle a été conçue dans la joie et la bonne humeur avec une volonté de divertir et de diversifier les points de vue afin de s’enrichir mutuellement et d’élargir nos horizons.
Tous les textes, drôles ou moins drôles, ayant quelque chose à dire sur l’homosexualité, principalement féminine, et sur les femmes sont donc les bienvenus !

Ceci peut paraître simple à première vue, mais débats, engueulades et autres échanges constructifs nous ont montré que les notions de « texte lesbien » ou « texte féministe » pouvaient être sujettes à interprétation. Nous allons donc essayer d’éclaircir nos/vos idées, en sachant qu’un cadre a toujours une limite floue.

[‘I believe in the radical possibilities of pleasure, babe’]

Fierce Feminist MC Collective, Manchester

[Catch 22]

Intersectionality has become the primary analytic tool that feminist and anti-racist scholars deploy for theorizing identity and oppression. This paper exposes and critically interrogates the assumptions underpinning intersectionality by focusing on four tensions within intersectionality scholarship: the lack of a defined intersectional methodology; the use of black women as quintessential intersectional subjects; the vague definition of intersectionality; and the empirical validity of intersectionality. Ultimately, my project does not seek to undermine intersectionality; instead, I encourage both feminist and anti-racist scholars to grapple with intersectionality’s theoretical, political, and methodological murkiness to construct a more complex way of theorizing identity and oppression.

[Pussy Riot; on a platform in front of St Basil’s Cathedral in Red Square, opposite the Kremlin; mid-January 2012]
Pussy Riot are Russian all-girl feminist punk band notorious for staging guerrilla performances highlighting Russia’s authoritarianism and pushing for judicial, educational and cultural reform.

This article is an attempt to add to the discourse that is (or should be) occurring around sexism within the very movements that purport to be fighting it. It was a hard process to distinguish between sexism within the anarchist movement and the general sexism within society because so many of the criticisms that can be leveled against the anarchist movement are criticisms of the greater society. There is a void where critical anarchist feminist/anti-sexist critiques should be which has lead to a lack of dialogue and concrete action around sexism. This critique will be based upon many of the weaknesses within the Anarchist movement, which are often compounded around issues of sexism (and other forms of oppression). There is a continuum of thought and concrete action which anarchists must address or take up in order to combat our own sexism and sexism in the greater society.

[‘Insert pro-choice, pro-women, anti-fucktards comment here’; photo by unknown]

Challenging Patriarchy in Political Organizing
- by Harsha Walia

Examples of sexism in political organizing:

· Most political organizations and meetings are still dominated by men, and even more dominated by male speakers

· Women have to struggle a lot harder to prove their capabilities as political activists, their intelligence on political issues, and to be taken seriously as committed organizers

· Women often have to adopt socialized roles of authority and domination in order to be validated in political organizing

· Women are often sexually objectified in political circles

· Sexism is perceived as a “women’s issue” and not a collective issue

· Feminism is still not seen as central to revolutionary struggle; instead it is relegated to a “special-interest” issue

· Trivializing women’s issues, frequently by considering it as being secondary to “more important” political work

· Men are more readily perceived as experts on “hard” (versus “soft”) political issues such as war and economics

· Traditional gender roles such as secretarial work, clean up, and childcare still falls upon women

· Women are frequently tokenized by being asked to moderate or speak in public which (intentionally or not) invisiblizes the culture of male domination within the organization

· Women are more likely to challenge men on sexist comments rather than men challenging other men

· Women discussing sexism are often characterized as “divisive”

· Characterizing women, particularly when dealing with sexism, as “emotional” or “over-reactive”

· The general assumption (rather than the exception) is that women discussing sexism are “pulling the sex card” or are making false accusations, leaving women feeling guilty and/or unsafe in raising such issues

· Women often feel like they have to moderate what they (say) so that men (don’t) feel attacked

· Disrespect for women’s voices in discussing their own oppression

· Women’s issues and concerns are belittled or invalidated until validated by other men

· Many men are more likely to shut down emotionally, stop listening, or get defensive when women want to discuss specific incidents of sexism instead of first listening and understanding what is being said

· Sexism within political organizations is seen as less trivial than sexism in wider society

· Working with progressive men can have its own frustrations as male comrades feel they are not guilty of sexism (often because of the lack of intention to be sexist) without truly analyzing their actions within a
framework of privilege

· Given the particular socialization of women under patriarchy, seemingly minor comments or incidents can make women feel humiliated, angry or upset; yet such comments are often dismissed as harmless and/or
unintentional

Some Suggestions

· Share secretarial and clean-up work and make childcare a priority

· Honor women for un-glorified community organizing - for example childcare, cooking, note-taking, providing frequent emotional support

· Respect women as activists

· Be mindful of the language being used (i.e. girls)

· Use inclusive language. Besides the obvious examples (like saying ‘spokesperson’ or instead of ‘spokesman’ [say] ‘chair’ instead of ‘chairman’), also be careful not to use ‘us’/‘them’ language

· Don’t place the sole responsibility for fighting oppression on the oppressed

· Take sexism on as your struggle

· Don’t trivialize women’s issues

· If it is obvious that the same few people are dominating a discussion, the facilitator should consider suggesting a go-around to get more people talking so that any decision made is truly inclusive

· The path to ensuring the full and equal participation of women in a political organization can be difficult and the process may feel tokenistic if it does not give equal consideration to women’s opinions, issues, and wants in a meaningful manner

· Recruiting women into the organization is not necessarily the solution. The fact that an organization is male-dominated might merely be a symptom and not the problem itself

· Being better than “mainstream” society does not absolve responsibility for taking even seemingly minor incidents seriously

· Believing in equality does not mean that men no longer experience male privilege

· Realize that there is a difference between listening & respectful questioning and invalidating or denying that an incident of gender oppression was experienced

· Realize that just because you might not find somebody’s behaviour offensive, women might have different boundaries that have been shaped by a history of socialization under patriarchy

· Realize that sexism, in various forms, runs really deep and always plays itself out

· Be proactive, not reactive

· Create an atmosphere that is dynamic, empowering, and open especially to new members

· Share skills and knowledge in a non-paternalistic manner to build the leadership of women

· Transforming gender roles and socialization is not about guilt or who is right or wrong

Harsha Walia is a Vancouver-based writer, activist and organizer in No One is Illegal-Vancouver.